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The German left is divided – but this need not be a bad thing

The German left is divided – but this need not be a bad thing

The new party must It is called BSW (Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht) and it depends entirely on its person. According to opinion polls, more than 15% of Germans would consider voting for Wagenknecht’s policies. Disillusionment with the German government with its Greens, Liberals and Social Democrats is great in the country. The combination of criticism against large migration and the link between support for Ukraine and high prices resonates, especially in the eastern parts of the country. The media interest will be enormous.

In June next year, European Parliament elections will be held. It will be a perfect first choice for your new party. Germany has a five percent threshold in Bundestag elections, but no threshold in EU Parliament elections, and many would consider a protest vote or trying something new in the EU elections. In the European Union elections, it is also possible that things will go well without building the massive party organization required to run election campaigns before the elections for the German Parliament (Bundestag) or German state parliaments. Wagenknecht will now likely bring in two Bundestag members from Linke’s party, providing a platform from which to be seen in the debate.

Seems like a lot new To be able to take voters from many directions. There will be a certain defection among Linke’s voters, but also among dissatisfied Social Democrats. However, great potential exists among non-partisan members and voters of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which is currently the largest party in many German opinion polls. Many AfD voters are economically disadvantaged, critical of immigration and sympathetic to Putin’s Russia. Wagenknecht’s new party can draw wind from German right-wing extremists.

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But the new party will also face major challenges. The bourgeois media had loved to highlight Wagenknecht because it divided the left, and now the critical scrutiny of the new party was instead harsh. The new party, especially on the critical issue of immigration, often attracts strange and extremist people who say strange things. It creates problems. Sahira Wagenknecht has excelled at making headlines and igniting internal conflicts, but the question is whether she can stick together and build a new party with whatever it takes. It is one thing to hold good elections for the EU Parliament, but quite another to build a long-term alternative in German domestic politics.

Because Linke is a hack It is a challenge, as the party has been in decline for several years, and this crisis is now worsening. The party narrowly entered the Bundestag in the 2021 elections and lost several state elections. When Wagenknecht leaves ship now, the number of party members in the Bundestag will be too few to be considered an official faction. This means the risk of increased political marginalization, redundancy and financial challenges.

But the defection was by no means unexpected. The conflict with Wagenknecht has been going on for years and has long passed the point where a solution can be found. Many within Linke’s party are now breathing a sigh of relief and see the defection as an opportunity to restart the party.

Finally, you can have peace of mind He put forward a more coherent and credible political message that Wagenknecht could not immediately challenge on crucial points.

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There is a great deal of left-wing opinion in Germany, and at a time of dissatisfaction with a government that includes the Greens and Social Democrats, a well-functioning left-wing party should be able to grow significantly.

The challenges facing Linke’s party are greater than those facing Sahira Wagenknecht. The main representatives of the party are relatively unknown, and you combine two party chairs and two group chairs in the Bundestag who speak on behalf of the party, which creates ambiguity. The party appears divided on several issues and internal conflicts often become public.

The German left has Important path choices ahead. Should this campaign primarily target radical youth in big cities who put the climate first, or target older people who are financially dissatisfied? Can you create a more cohesive profile with a clearer message? Should the party be a protest party for the diverse left, or, as is the case in many states, a party that governs and practices realpolitik?

The German left pushed forward with decisive elections. If handled correctly, there can be a new spark to the party.

There is probably a parallel in Swedish political history. When the VPK was reformed under the leadership of C. H. Hermansson in the 1960s, the party changed in a left-wing socialist direction. The party began to criticize the lack of democracy in communist-ruled countries and condemned the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. The VPK was open to new, environmental and feminist movements. In the face of this development, a small but vocal pro-Moscow minority has been consistently speaking out against the party leadership. In 1977 they broke away from VPK and formed their own team. Political observers expected that neither party would enter Parliament. Instead, the VPK gained many new members who had not wanted to join the party before, and had a minor electoral success in the 1979 elections.

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Linke may have a similar opportunity today, but the question is whether the party is able to seize it.